Accueil
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigel_Thrift
https://fr.book4you.org/book/11771400/81d1d6
https://fr.book4you.org/book/957451/0ae55b
"Time is irrecoverably bound up with the spatial constitution of society." (p.2)
"Spatial variation evident in the making and experience of social time itself." (p.2)
"We need to pay attention to questions of social practice in four inter-related domains, each of which is spatially constituted [...]
First, a sense of time is still to some considerable extent shaped by our responses to a series of timetables and rhythms set according to the inter-relations of Time and Space in the natural universe, ranging from the diurnal cycle to the rhythms of the seasons, the rhythms of the body to the turning of the tides [...] Though apparently universal, the extent
to which a society remains bound up with such rhythms varies across space and over time as the relative import accorded those rhythms shifts and changes in relation to the import accorded to a sense of time moving out of each of the other domains sketched below. So too their effects might be considered socially uneven even as those same rhythms often provide the basis for the regulation of social difference (as with the menstrual cycle, for example). Variation is also apparent across the life course with this too subject to social regulation. For example, at the level of the individual whilst the shift worker must learn to adapt their ‘body clock’ and the dieter their pangs of hunger, the child works to procure an ever later ’bedtime’ [...] At a broader level of analysis, whilst the calendar first traces then shapes the timing of the harvest [...] street lighting moves out from the central districts of the city only gradually, providing for an uneven and ever-changing geography of the night." (pp.3-4)
"Second, a sense of time is thus both shaped by and enacted through various systems of social discipline – be they broadly secular or religious. Each such system takes shape within particular settings and achieves purchase according to the spatial arrangements evident within those settings (whether the monastery or factory, office or home). For example, where greater productivity depends upon and (apparently) imposes strict time-discipline so too the worker’s use of time can only be properly monitored through an appropriate use of space within the workplace – so as to enable easy surveillance [...] Likewise, just as ‘work’ time gives shape to ‘family’ time or ‘leisure’ time (and vice versa) so such
time only acquires full meaning when enacted in the appropriate setting (with feelings of frustration apparent when a person ‘brings their work home with them’, for example, or when time at the office is disrupted by the demands of family or friends)." (p.4)
-John May & Nigel, introduction à John May & Nigel Thrift (eds), Timespace. Geographies of Temporality, Routledge & Taylor & Francis group, 2003 (2001 pour la première édition britannique), 323 pages.
https://fr.book4you.org/book/2780191/d4f065
https://fr.book4you.org/book/827115/d40cf3
https://fr.book4you.org/book/11771400/81d1d6
https://fr.book4you.org/book/957451/0ae55b
"Time is irrecoverably bound up with the spatial constitution of society." (p.2)
"Spatial variation evident in the making and experience of social time itself." (p.2)
"We need to pay attention to questions of social practice in four inter-related domains, each of which is spatially constituted [...]
First, a sense of time is still to some considerable extent shaped by our responses to a series of timetables and rhythms set according to the inter-relations of Time and Space in the natural universe, ranging from the diurnal cycle to the rhythms of the seasons, the rhythms of the body to the turning of the tides [...] Though apparently universal, the extent
to which a society remains bound up with such rhythms varies across space and over time as the relative import accorded those rhythms shifts and changes in relation to the import accorded to a sense of time moving out of each of the other domains sketched below. So too their effects might be considered socially uneven even as those same rhythms often provide the basis for the regulation of social difference (as with the menstrual cycle, for example). Variation is also apparent across the life course with this too subject to social regulation. For example, at the level of the individual whilst the shift worker must learn to adapt their ‘body clock’ and the dieter their pangs of hunger, the child works to procure an ever later ’bedtime’ [...] At a broader level of analysis, whilst the calendar first traces then shapes the timing of the harvest [...] street lighting moves out from the central districts of the city only gradually, providing for an uneven and ever-changing geography of the night." (pp.3-4)
"Second, a sense of time is thus both shaped by and enacted through various systems of social discipline – be they broadly secular or religious. Each such system takes shape within particular settings and achieves purchase according to the spatial arrangements evident within those settings (whether the monastery or factory, office or home). For example, where greater productivity depends upon and (apparently) imposes strict time-discipline so too the worker’s use of time can only be properly monitored through an appropriate use of space within the workplace – so as to enable easy surveillance [...] Likewise, just as ‘work’ time gives shape to ‘family’ time or ‘leisure’ time (and vice versa) so such
time only acquires full meaning when enacted in the appropriate setting (with feelings of frustration apparent when a person ‘brings their work home with them’, for example, or when time at the office is disrupted by the demands of family or friends)." (p.4)
-John May & Nigel, introduction à John May & Nigel Thrift (eds), Timespace. Geographies of Temporality, Routledge & Taylor & Francis group, 2003 (2001 pour la première édition britannique), 323 pages.
https://fr.book4you.org/book/2780191/d4f065
https://fr.book4you.org/book/827115/d40cf3
