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    Steven E. Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany (1890-1990)

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    Johnathan R. Razorback
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    Date d'inscription : 12/08/2013
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    Steven E. Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany (1890-1990)

    Message par Johnathan R. Razorback le Mar 27 Nov - 16:38

    "Friedrich Nietzsche's impact upon the cultural and political sensibilities of the twentieth century has been altogether extraordinary. Since the 1890s his shaping presence has been felt continuously throughout Europe, the United States, and as far as Japan." (p.1)

    "This complex process can only be grasped by examining both its thematic and chronological dimensions." (p.2-3)

    "Conservative forces embodying the ancien régime were almost inevitably anti-Nietzschean, instinctively opposed to Nietzsche's anti-Christian immoralist posture, and shocked and frightened by his radical questioning of authority and tradition." (p.5)

    "When the right did seriously adopt Nietzsche it was after World War I during the Weimar Republic, and then it was the work of mainly radical-revolutionary elements." (p.6)

    "Nietzscheanism, like its master, was never monochromic. Critical scavenging of Nietzsche's works and themes led divergent European-wide audiences to fuse him with a broad range of cultural and political postures: anarchist, expressionist, feminist, futurist, nationalist, nazi, religious, sexual-libertarian, socialist, völkisch, and Zionist. It was, indeed, through these fusions, that Both Nietzsche and Nietzscheanism became a significant force. What follows therefore is a study in the dynamics of historical mediation which analyzes the diffusion, popularization, assimilation, rejection, and prismatic transfiguration of Nietzsche within changing historical and ideological contexts." (p.7)

    "Nietzscheans were simply those who regarded themselves as significantly influenced by Nietzsche and sought to give this influence some concrete or institutional expression. Nietzscheanism never constituted one movement reductible to a single constituency or political ideology." (p.14)

    "Nietzscheanism thrived in eclectic and syncretistic contexts. Because it functioned by virtue of its implantation into other preexistent structures it was not constitutive or autonomous. It thus could perform a number of crucial functions: it acted variously as an inspirational solvent, leavener, catalyst, and gadly.
    Nietzscheanism was thus publicly effective to the degree that it was structured and mediated by other forces and ideologies. There was no naked nihilism here, no pure Nietzschean dynamic but always framing processes and casuistic exercises of accomodation. Nietzschean thematics required tendantious anchoring and domestication. Suitably nationalized (or socialized or Protestentized), its dynamic was placed at the service of goals which tended either to tame its radical drive, or to selectively deploy and unleash it.
    How did such casuistry work ? Although there were always gleaning and references of plausibility, it was clear that Nietzsche was not identical with any of the political appropriations made in his name. All this appropriators were obliged to explain how Nietzsche, despite obvious contradictions or even hostility, was in effect compatible with their favored position, perhaps even its most enthusiastic representative. Placing Nietzsche within any framework entailed a filtering system in which desired elements were highlighted and embarrassing ones deleted or downplayed. More significant were the exercises that sought to distinguish the real or the deep (German, Christian, socialist) Nietzsche from the merely apparent one. Nietzsche was constantly decoded and recoded ; "correct" reading made to yield the desired underlying and "authentic" meaning and messages.
    " (p.15)
    -Steven E. Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany (1890-1990), University of California Press, 1994, 337 pages.



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    « La racine de toute doctrine erronée se trouve dans une erreur philosophique. [...] Le rôle des penseurs vrais, mais aussi une tâche de tout homme libre, est de comprendre les possibles conséquences de chaque principe ou idée, de chaque décision avant qu'elle se change en action, afin d'exclure aussi bien ses conséquences nuisibles que la possibilité de tromperie. » -Jacob Sher, Avertissement contre le socialisme, Introduction à « Tableaux de l'avenir social-démocrate » d'Eugen Richter, avril 1998.

    "Il y a, de nos jours, beaucoup de gens qui s'accommodent très aisément de cette espèce de compromis entre le despotisme administratif et la souveraineté du peuple, et qui pensent avoir assez garanti la liberté des individus, quand c'est au pouvoir national qu'ils la livrent. Cela ne me suffit point." -Alexis de Tocqueville, De la Démocratie en Amérique, vol II, Quatrième Partie : Chapitre VI, 1840.


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